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''^H Congress. I SENATE. ( Report 

M Session, j ( No. 526. 



EUSSIAN PROPAGANDA, 



April 14, 3920. — Ordered to be printed. 



Mr. Moses, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, submitted 

the following 

EEPORT. 

[Pursuant to S. Res. 263.] 

By resolution of the Senate adopted December 20, 1919, the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Relations, through the fulL committee or by a 
subcommittee, was authorized to make inquiry into the status and 
activities of Ludwig C. A. K. Martens, the representative in this 
country of the Soviet regime in Russia. 

On the 23.cl of December a subcommittee was designated to deal 
with the subject, and its membership comprised Messrs. Moses, 
Borah, Knox, Pomerene, and Shields, Messrs. Knox and Pomerene 
found it impossible to render the necessary service, and they were 
replaced by the appointment of Messrs. Brandegee and Pittman. 
respectively. 

Subsequently, the Senate, by resolution, authorized the subcom- 
mittee to employ counsel, and the Hon. Wade H. Ellis, of Ohio, 
was retained in this capacity. Mr. Ellis was assisted by John B. 
Trevor, Esq., of New York City, who served the committee gratu- 
itously and whose knowledge gained through service with the Lusk 
committee was of great value. 

The resolution under which the committee actea w ci? as follows : 

[Senate resolution 263, Sixty-sixth Congress, second session.] 

Wliereas one Ludwig G. A. K. Martens claims to be an ambassador to the 
United States from the Russian Soviet Government ; and 

Whereas, according to newspaper reports, he refuses to answer certain ques- 
tions before the Lusk investigating committee in the city of New York, a 
committee appointed to investigate propaganda against this Government, on 
the ground that he is sucli ambassador and entitled to diplomatic privileges ; 
and 

Whereas said Martens has headquarters in the city of New York and is allegerl 
to be directing propaganda against this Government ; and 

Whereas, according to his testimony before said Lusk committee, he came to 
this country as a eGrman citizen and is a member of the Communist Party, 
pledged to overthrow capitalistic systems of government the world over ; and 



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russia:nt peopagan"da. ' ^''K-^rv^ 

}^^\^ 1 

Whereas said Martens, according to liis said testimony, regards this Govt\ 
meht as a capitalistic government : Now. therefore, be it '^J-^, 

Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Relations is hereby authorized js^ 
directed, through the full committee or through any subcommittee thereoty 
investigate as speedily as possible the status of said Martens ; what allv^^ed 
government or power in Europe he represents; what, if any, recogni V n of 
any kind has been accorded him by this Government; whether or not Iv |is an 
alien enemy; what propaganda, if any, he is carrying on for the overthrow 
of governments; and all facts and circumstances relating to his activities lu 
this country and his alleged diplomatic representation, and all facts relative 
to the activities of any other party, parties, or organization bearing upon or 
relating to Russian propaganda in this country, and make report to the Senate 
of such findings. 

The said committee is hereby empowered to sit and act at such time smd 
place as it may deem necessary ; to require, by subpoena or otherwise, tb.e 
attendance of witnesses, the production of books, papers, and documents ; lo 
employ stenographers at a cost not exceeding $1 per printed page. The chair- 
man of the committee, or any member thereof, may administer oaths to wit- 
nesses. Subpoenas for witnesses shall be issued under the signature of the 
chairman of the committee or subcommittee thereof. Every person who, having 
been summoned as a witness by authority of said committee or any subcom- 
mittee thereof, willfully makes default, or who, having appeared, refuses to 
answer any question pertinent to the investigation heretofore authorized, shall 
be held to the penalties provided by section 102 of the Revised Statutes of the 
United States. 

The expense thereof shall be paid from the contingent fund of the Senate, o", 
vouchers ordered by said committee, signed by the chairman thereof, and 
approved by the Committee on Contingent Expenses. 

The subcommittee held its first meeting January 12, and continued 
its sessions from time to time until March 29, when the hearings 
were formally declared closed. It was the constant purpose of the 
subcommittee to restrict the inquiry to the narrow lines set for it 
by the I'esolution above cited, and this effort was measurably suc- 
cessful, although, as is natural in cases where counsel appear — Mar- 
tens being represented by former Senator Thomas W. Hardwick, of 
Georgia — much matter of a controversial or argumentative nature 
will be found in the record. 

Inasmuch as the major line of inquiry under the resolution dealt 
with the subject of Martens's activities in this country, the com- 
mittee deemed Martens himself to be the most competent source of 
information. 'Accordingly, he was the chief and almost the only 
witness to be heard, and his examination was developed naturally 
along the lines of his own admissions and from documentary assist- 
ance, which in substantially every case was fully authenticated be- 
fore being made use of. 

The rights of Martens were fully Drotected not only through the 
presence of hi:;.i;ounsel, Avho sat with him from the beginning of 
the inquiry lo the end, Avhereas four sessions of the committee were 
held before suitable counsel could be obtained for it; and he was 
permitted at the outset to state his case from prepared manuscript 
with the utmost vigor of expression and with only slight interruption 
or interrogatory. The committee deems this statement essential by 
reason of Martens's protest in the closing days of the inquiry that 
he had not been permitted to make suitable explanatory^ replies to 
the inquiry to which he had been subjected. On this point the rec- 
ord will speak for itself. 

The committee finds itself unable to reconcile the self-evident con- 
tradiction in much of Martens's testimony. He is a thorough lin- 

o; of iJ. 

- '^'-^^ 8 1920. 




RUSSIAK PEOPAGAND/ 

guist, he was aided by able cou'iisel; and In^ P^e^' lo^^s exanjJTjjitjojT, 
by a joint committee of the Assembly of the slate of Xew York 
had fortified him for the line of inquiry which was pursued, here. 
In consequence, it is unnecessary to go beyond the record to sustain 
the findings of the committee further than to point out certain in- 
evitable and wholl}^ warrantable deductions. 

Following seriatim the items of inquiry enumerated in the reso- 
lution of the Senate, the status of Martens is disclosed by the testi- 
mony under several heads : 

(1) What alleged Government or power in Europe does he rej:)- 
resent ? 

His credentials (p. 14) Avere issued hj the "People's Commis- 
sariat of Foreign Affairs " of the " Russian Socialist Federated 
Soviet Republic," from Moscow, under date of January 2. 1919. 
They were signed by G. Chichearin, " People's Commissar for For- 
eign Affairs," and were sealed with the official seal of the commis- 
sariat. This Government, as was brought out in the course of the 
testimony (p. 23), was set up in November, 1917, by a counter- 
revolution to the movements of March in that year, which had 
accomplished the overthrow of the dynasty and government of the 
liomanoff Czars. This republic operates under a constitution, b}^ 
the terms of which (p. 160) " all property rights in the land, 
treasures of the earth, water, forest, and fundamental natural re- 
sources Avithin its boundaries are abolished " ; which confirms " the 
transfer of all banks into the ownership" of the Government; by 
which there " pass over without indemnification to the disposi- 
tion * * * of the county, provincial, regional, and Federal So- 
viets," all private live stock and inventoried property of nonlabor- 
ing homesteads ; and under which " private merchants, trade and 
commercial brokers " (p. 162) ; " monks and clergy of all denomi- 
nations " (p. 194), and in general all persons who do not "perform 
useful, social functions" (p. 163), have no right either to vote or 
to be voted for. 

For instance (p. 39) Martens explained that a man who owns a 
farm in Russia and who leases it to another may not vote or be voted 
for. Under this constitution all banks were converted into a state 
monopoly (p. 168), and holdings of bonds in excess of 10,000 rubles 
were confiscated (p. 169) ; these confiscations having taken place 
prior to the adoption of the constitution and were confirmed by that 
instrument. Under this constitution no Russian is permitted to in- 
vest his capital or to ship it out of the country or to receive interest 
upon it (p. 173). This constitution also provides for the disarming 
of the property classes, the arming of " all toilers " and the o^:^an- 
ization of " a Socialist red army " (p. 164). Under this constitudioi- , 
in an election, the records are received by a Soviet (p. 200) whiicb. 
appoints a commission of verification: which in turn reports bac'^ 
to the Soviet and the Soviet " decides the question when there is a 
doubt as to which candidate is elected." By this means deputies are 
elected to " the All-Russian Congress of Soviets " and by this con- 
gress the prime minister is chosen, to hold office during the pleasure 
of his electorates (p. 200). 

From this government Martens took his letters of credence as 
aboA'e stated ; and there were later supplemented, under day of May 



/ ! 

4 ^mssiAN pkopAganda. 

mf'W^ (P- M): by ft/ further feeTtificate signed by Chicherin and 
addressed " To Whom it may concern," in which Martens was given 
cert4in aiithorization to take over' and administer all property in 
America " belonging to the Russian Federative Socialist Soviet Re- 
public " and to exercise further functions cognate to those of a diplo- 
matic or consular representative. 

Aside from his own declarations the committee found no means 
to ascertain Martens's real mission in the United States. His let- 
ters of credence and documents supplementary thereto were not in 
a form to warrant his assumption of diplomatic privilege. They 
were not indeed even in the form attaching to the commission upon 
Avhich a consular officer receives his exequatur. The policy which 
he adopted in pursuance of his authorization as he interpreted it 
was equally unique and nebulous. For example, he protested 
throughout the entire course of his examination that his sole purpose 
in this country was to establish and develop cordial relations be- 
tween Soviet Russia and the United States, especially through the 
building up of commercial intercourse. In support of this purpose 
be declared that he had attempted to enter into contractual relations 
with many American enterprises to whom he offered contracts for 
tools, machinery, clothing, etc., to be sent to Russia. These proffers, 
' however, proved to be wholly tentative; and the form of contract 
Tvhich he employed in the few instances where such engagements 
were executed was wholly unilateral and the burden not only of sup- 
plying the wares in question, but of securing their shipment to Soviet 
Russia, was placed entirely upon the producer and no earnest money 
^^ as ever deposited in a single instance ; while the American contrac- 
tor by one means or another was led to bring pressure upon the 
(xovernment of the United States for the purpose of forcing either 
a modus vivendi with or an actual recognition of the Russian Soviet 
Government. To the committee, therefore, the conclusion is inescap- 
able that the entire fabric of trade negotiations which Martens un- 
rolled was part of an ingenious scheme of propaganda to create sym- 
pathy, based upon cupidity, for the Russian Soviets and to produce 
by indirect means the admission of Soviet Russia into the companion- 
ship of international relations which other means had failed to 
secure. 

The next inquiry suggested by the resolution of the Senate: 
" What if any recognition of any kind has been accorded him by 
this Government?" 

It has been observed that neither Martens's original letter of 
credence nor the supplementary certificate was in the usual form 
of in^Dlomatic credentials; and in fact he testified (p. 36) that he is 
n>t familiar with the ordinary manner of diplomatic procedure, but 
thrAi he knows of no reason why the usual form of such communica- 
^^i'ons should have been departed from in his case. He testified that 
he filed his letter of credence with the Department of State on the 
19th of March, 1919, accompanying it with a memorandum (p. 23) 
" dealing with the intentions of the Government of Russia, as well 
as with the internal affairs of that country." He had other communi- 
cations with the State Department (p. 27) ; but to none of them was 
any reply vouchsafed. He never presented himself in person at the 
State Department (p. 89) or sought the usual audience with the 
Secretary of State, which is customary for diplomatic representa- 



\ 

EUSSIAlSr PEOPAGANDA. 5 

tives ; and he " totally abandoned all efforts to secure personal recog- 
nition " (p. 81)- after having sent his letter of credence to the de- 
partment by mail. 

He testified (p. 89) that "he was still trying to get recognition"; 
but that no official representatives had ever been sent by him to the 
State Department (p. 90). Unofficial representatives had conversa- 
tions with officials at the State Depaj-tment, including the Under- 
secretary of State, and from these Martens received oral reports. 

Protesting constantly that his sole purpose in the United States 
was to develop trade relations between this country and Soviet Rus- 
sia, and testifying (p. 91) that he had never communicated in any 
manner with the War Trade Board or Avith any other department 
of the Government, he asserted, however, that certain American in- 
dustrial companies with whom he sought to make contracts had com- 
municated with the President (p. 135), and with the Attorney Gen- 
eral (p. 75), with a view to securing a change in the policy oi this 
Government toward the Soviet Government to the end of opening 
up trade relations. 

He made no effort to claim for himself or for any member of his 
staff, any of the usual privileges accorded a diplomatic officer (p. 43) 
such as to bring any household effects without payment of customs, 
etc.; and he never asserted his diplomatic quality (p. 43) until he 
was summoned for examination before the so-called Lusk committee 
of the Assembly of the State of New York. 

In fact, his appointment as representative of the Soviet Govern- 
ment appears to have be3n shrouded in some mystery. He testified 
(p. 100) that he had had no knowledge concerning his designation 
prior to receiving his appointment and that his credentials were 
brought to him by a courier. It appeared from documentary evi- 
dence, however (p. 308), that a bureau had been organized in the 
city of jSTew lork for the purpose of establishing communications 
with Russia, the membership of this bureau embracing eight per- 
sons, among whom *were Martens himself, Santeri Nuorteva. who 
was secretary of the Martens bureau, Gregory Weinstein, who was 
Martens's personal secretary, and a Prof. Lomonosoff. Avho. having 
been earlier connected with the regularly accredited Russian em- 
bassy in this country, later cast in his allegiance with the soviet gov- 
ernment and Avith Martens's bureau. According to this evidence 
(p. 309), it was at first proposed that Weinstein should become the 
Soviet representative in the United States ; but a question regarding 
Weinstein's integrity having arisen and two weeks' time being 
allotted to him to clear himself, at the expiration of this psriocl 
Weinstein came before the committee with the information that 
Martens had received the appointment. The discrepancy between 
this evidence and Martens's assertion that the first intimation of liis 
appointment had come when the courier handed him his credentials 
is apparent. But in whatever manner his appointment was brought 
about, it is wholly clear that he received no recognition, even per- 
sonally, from the Government of the United States. 

His communications to and from his Government, or its repre- 
sentatives, were almost invariably carried by couriers — whose names 
were withheld from the committee and whose travels, it is fair to 
assume, were facilitated by spurious passports or otherwise in direct 



6 EUSSIAlSr PROPAGANDA. 

violation of the statutes covering foreign intercourse during the 
period of Martens's supposed representation here. These couriers 
brought to him not only letters, instructions, and other written com- 
munications, but also brought in large sums of money in the aggre- 
gate at least $150,000 in violation of the trading with the enemy 
act, and of other statutory and regulatory restrictions. These cour- 
iers, in ihe number of about 20, he testified, comprised both Ameri- 
can citizens and foreign subjects. 

The inquiry whether or not Martens is an alien enemy, which the 
resolution of the Senate directs, brought out that Martens was born 
at Bachmut, in the Province of Ekaterinoslav, in Russia, in 1874, 
and that his parents were German subjects. His birth was registered 
in Russia as of German parentage and he was educated in Russia 
as an engineer, following that profession until 1899, when, after 
having spent three years in prison for revolutionary activities (pp. 

7 and 8), he was deported by the Russian authorities to Germany, 
where he was held as a German subject to the military service which 
the German Government required. In 1906, Martens took up resi- 
dence in England, where he remained for 10 years (p. 10). Until 
the beginning of the war in 1914, no occasion arose in England for 
the determination of his citizenship; but in October of that year 
(p. 11)) a registration, in most cases accompanied by internment, 
of German subjects, was set on foot. Martens then registered as a 
German subject, " as a purely technical matter," according to this 
testimony (p. 11), alleging that to be the reason why he was not 
interned. Following his decision to come to America, permission 
to make the journey was accorded by the British inspector under 
the alien act, and Martens and his wife came to the United States 
on the 2d of January, 1916 (p. 11), and, upon landing at New York, 
he declared himself to be a German subject (p. 11), making the regu- 
lar declaration under oath.' He contended before the committee, 
however, that he did this solely because of the British permit which 
he carried and which identified him as a German subject. 

Upon the issuance, December 31, 1917, of the rules and regula- 
tions for the registration of German enemy aliens in the United 
States, Martens did not so register; basing his claim (pp. 18-19) 
upon the assertion that he had been made a Russian citizen by virtue 
of a decree of the provisional government of Prince Lvov. This 
citizenship, he testified (p. 19), was procured for him by an applica- 
tion made by his relatives in Russia without special authority from 
him and with no formal paper from him in any manner. He was 
unable to furnish any copy of this decree (p. 20), though he de- 
clared (p. 20) that a document to this effect was issued to him, given 
into the possession of his sister in Russia and that she dispatched 
it to him by mail. This information, he declared (p. 20), came to 
him in a letter from his sister, but Jie was unable to produce the 
letter in question. He expressed the belief (p. 17) that the letter 
containing his certificate of citizenship had been seized by the Brit- 
ish censor of mails, but from the American embassy in London came 
information that no such letter had ever come into the possession 
of the British censor. 

Martens's citizenship has been called in question more than once. 
By his own testimony (p. 15) he applied for Russian citizenship, 
which was refused on" the ground (p. 16) that he had not performed 



RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA. 7 

his military duty in Germany. He insisted throughout that his Ger- 
man citizenship was merely " technical " ; but he further testified 
(p. 17) that his German citizenship sufficed to bar him from the 
amnesty proclaimed against political offenders in Russia upon the 
overthrow of the Czar's Government, and it became necessary for 
him to obtain Russian citizenship by other means. He evidently 
was in a privileged class in this respect for he testified (p. 19) that 
there were exceptional circumstances applying to his case and that 
another, not as well known as he, could not be given citizenship 
without formal application. In this connection it may be worth 
ivnowing that the letter from Martens's sister, which constitutes the 
only written evidence he ever received touching the application and 
decree involved in his assumption of Russian citizenship, was not 
deemed of sufficient importance to have been kept by him with his 
official papers, and in consequence it could not be produced in evi- 
dence (p. 31). 

In view of the fact that Martens refused to disclose the names 
of any of his couriers it is impossible to say whether those whom 
he described as American citizens also owed allegiance to the Rus- 
sian Soviet Government, where citizenship is procured in so shadowy 
a manner that it might be possible for one, either native born or 
naturalized in America and in consequence exercising suffrage and 
other functions of citizenship here, to be at the same time a citizen 
of Soviet Russia, whose only prerequisite for citizenship as shown 
by the testimony is an application, Avhich may be made in absentia, 
accompanied by a declaration that the applicant is an honest man. 
In any event these couriers, whether American citizens or not, shared 
with Martens the responsibility for the repeated violation of Ameri- 
can statutes which their actions involved. 

It is perhaps questionable whether those who have associated with 
Martens in this country, and ^^ho have been paid by him for any 
services, have also been guilty of violation of the law; although in 
this connection reference may be had to those sections of the penal 
code Avhich will be found in the record. 

In the absence of evidence other than that of Martens's own asser- 
tion, unsupported except by his presumed letter of credence — which, 
it may be observed, issued from a government which the United 
States does not recognize — the normal international relations to 
which the United States has constantly adhered would continue to 
place him as a German subject and hence as an enemy alien. 

In seeking to determine what propaganda, if a.nj, he is carrying- 
on for the overthrow of governments, as directed by the resolution 
of the Senate, the testimony is somewhat complicated. It is evident 
from the constitution of the Government which he affects to repre- 
sent (p. 165) that the "fundamental problem" of Soviet Russia is 
to bring about " the victory of socialism in all lands." In this mo- 
tive Martens admitted (p. 166) the United States is " absolutely " 
included. There were also adduced in evidence two letters, copies of 
Avhich were furnished by Martens himself, purporting to have been 
addressed bj^ Nicholas Lenin, prime minister of Soviet Russia, to 
American workingmen. The first of these letters (p. Ill), dated 
August 20, 1918, counted " on the inevitability of the international 
revolution" (p. 116), while the second, dated January 21, 1919, laid 
emphasis (p. 117) on the tremendous rapidity with which ''the 



8 KUSSIAIS^ PROPAGANDA. 

workers in various countries have gone over to communism and bol- 
shevism," and boasted (p. 120) " that the soviet power is great and 
spreading, growing and establishing itself all over the world." 
These documents, the authenticity of which Martens admitted (p. 
121), were justified by him — ^the earlier appeal on the ground that 
this was necessary counterpropaganda against the activities which, 
as he asserted, the so-called Creel committee had carried on in 
Soviet Eussia (p. 122). He pointed out that this letter was written 
prior to his appointment as Soviet representative in this country. 
But the second letter, elated Januarj^ 21, 1919, and also offered by 
himself in evidence (p. 117), was written some three weeks after 
Martens's appointment, and he justified it (p. 179) upon the ground 
that American troops were in Russia opposing Bolsheviks, though 
he qualified this justification by declaring (p. 180) that propaganda 
of this character a few months later would have no justification. 

It appeared, however, that even at this time when, as he con- 
tended, propaganda of this character would be unjustifiable there 
met in Moscow the so-called Third Internationale, which is the 
parent body of all Communist organizations and, in fact, its inter- 
national court of last resort. From this body issued a manifesto, 
signed, among others, hj Nicholas Lenin, the soviet prime minister, 
and by Leon Trotski, the soviet minister of war, who are the ruling 
spirits in the Soviet Government. It is addressed " to the proletariat 
of all lands," and purports to contain (p. 182) "the authentic direct 
message from the conquering proletariat of great Russia to the toil- 
ing masses of the world " ; it pictures " alongside the dethroned 
dynasties of the Romanoffs, Hohenzollerns, and Hapsburgs and the 
capitalistic cliques of these lands the rulers of France, England," 
Italy, and the ITnited States * * * revealed in the light <jf un- 
folding events and diplomatic disclosures in their inuneasurable 
vileness." 

With these sentiments (p. 183) Martens said that he agreed; and 
(p. 185) in an article signed by him and published in the New York 
Call on Thursday, May 1, 1919, he declared that "the attitude of 
the workers of the world toward the Russian worlvcrs' revolution 
has proved that the spirit of international solidarity of the workers 
is not dead. It is resurrecting in the Third Internationale a nevf 
glory," and he concluded his article with the exclamation, " Long 
live the Third Internationale! " He later (p. 185) testified that he 
approved of the Third Internationale and its principles. It idso 
appeared (p. 187) that the Russian^oviet Government by a decree 
issued in December, 1917, appropriated 2,000,000 rubles " for the 
needs of the revolutionary international movement for the disposi- 
tion of the foreign representatives of the commissariat for foreign 
affairs." Martens himself, by the prima facie evidence of his own 
letter of credence, is such a representative; and this appropriation 
of money for the purpose of propaganda in foreign lands he jus- 
tified (p. 189) on the ground that at this time "Russia was in the 
throes of a revolution and civil war and was attacked by all gov- 
ernments." 

He added that he supposed the amount thus allocated was much 
more than 2,000,000 rubles. He declared that the bureau through 
which this money was to be expended has now passed out of exist- 
ence, but admitted that his information on this point was gained 



RUSSIA:tT PEOPAGANDA. 9 

through the Kussian newspapers (p. 190). In this connection it was 
developed that a report alleged to have been sent by Martens to 
Frederick Strom (p. 191), the soviet representative at Stockholm, 
spoke of Martens's agents being " busy in the western States and in 
Canada where they are * * * creating secret committees for' 
propaganda and becoming acquainted with professional organiza- 
tions and local press," and that " American workers' associations are 
passionately interested in the state of Russia and they are becoming- 
more and more firm in the creed that nothing but bolshevism could 
advance the proletariat." Martens admitted to have sent many com- 
munications by courier to Strom ; but he denied that any report of 
this character was among them. 

In line with the foregoing it may be significant that Martens, in 
his closing words of testimon)'- before the committee, testified that 
" it would be an impro^'ement to have the Soviet Government here ;" 
and that he " would call that revolution." 

It further appeared (p. 208) that a newspaper published in Petro- 
grad in the interest of the trade-unions of that city, and known as 
the Trud, on November 10, 1919, published an article declaring that 
soon " the victory of the proletarian dictatorship in the whole world 
will be guaranteed," that " with the proletarians of all countries an 
agreement would be reached without any diplomats. But with you, 
Messrs. Imperialists, we shall carry on conversations just as you do 
with us — behind every word force ; behind every condition force ; be- 
hind every demand force." In commenting upon this Martens testi- 
fied that he did not believe " in force as such," but that he did believe 
in it " if necessary." 

Martens admitted (p. 239) that he has been a revolutionist for 25 
years, and in every country where he has ever lived; that he was a 
revolutionist when he came to the United States; and that he is a 
revolutionist now. 

In his revolutionary character Martens was evidently well known. 
In the issue of the Class Struggle for May, 1919, in a comment upon 
his appointment as soviet representative in this country, Martens 
was thus described : 

Comrade Martens is a well-known figure among Russian socialists. * * * 
While a student he became interested in the revolutionary socialist movement 
and became allied with a group of revolutionists among whom Lenin was one 
of the most active members. Slioi-tly after his matriculation he was imprisoned 
for revolutionary propaganda and spent three years in the prisons of the Czar. 
Later he was banished and carried on his activities in the various countries of 
Europe. About three years ago he came to this country. Here he was em- 
ployed as the American representative of the great Demidow steel works of 
Russia. He combines, therefore, a knowledge of business affairs with an im- 
peccable record as a socialist and revolutionist, a combination that will make 
him an ideal representative of revolutionary Russia during the trying and 
difficult time of international economic reconstruction that lies before us. 

From this background Martens emerged into his diplomatic 
quality ; and it is fair to remark that if his conduct in that capacity 
has been as simple as he asserts, it is a reversal of form equally com- 
plete and gratifying. But it is difficult to believe that a man with 
Martens's previous record, involving a lifetime of revolutionary 
activities and with his declared quality of a revolutionist, now as 
always, could have suddenly changed his entire^ method of life 
through the simple talismanic influence of an appointment as diplo- 



10 RUSSIATST PROPAGANDA. 

matic representative; and while, on the face of the record, his ut- 
terances and his personal activities— shaped doubtless by competent 
advice, as well as by his own previous experience— bore superficial 
evidence of a determination to act correctly, the whole collateral 
'deduction must be that his concealed course was in line with that 
which he had hitherto pursued, namely, of hostility to the existing 
order wherever he has found himself. 

Even, however, if it should be conceded that his constant associa- 
tion with organizations of foreign origin and of a purpose hostile to 
the Government of the United States had been thrust upon him by 
the nature of his mission here, there is no justification for the de- 
tached and indifferent attitude which he manifested toward revolu- 
tionary, inflammatory, and even anarchistic uttterances of his asso- 
ciates on the public platform and elsewhere. His constant assevera- 
tion that these episodes had nothing to do with him, were none of 
his business, and that he was too busy to allow them to find lodgment 
in his mind contrasts strangely with the solicitous haste manifested 
by his letter to Emma Goldman ; and it is wholly proper to conclude 
that his knowledge of events was equally complete in all cases and 
that his action, or nonaction, in each was gauged by his own sense 
or sentiment as to how a given course of conduct would affect either 
his personal standing here, or his ultimate purpose in this country. 
As indicating the difficulty of separating Martens and his activi- 
ties from propaganda carried on for the purpose of replacing the ex- 
isting Government of the United States with sovietism, it is instruc- 
tive to note (p. 52) his emphatic testimony that he never " attempted 
in any way to have the people of this countrj^ advocate a soviet form 
of government " ; that he was not connected directly or indirectly with 
any organization or association which advocated sovietism in this 
country ; and that he had never given support, either moral or 
financial, to such an organization. This testimony, however, was 
followed immediately by an admission (p. 52) that he was "very 
often in touch with these organizations " and that " on several occa- 
sions " he " accepted their invitations and spoke about Russia, but 
never in regard to the internal affairs of the United States." These 
speeches, he testified (p. 53) were fully reported in the New York 
Call, yet in connection with speeches made by others, and likewise 
reported in the New York Call, he protested vehemently that they 
were incorrectly reported (p. 24). This leads to the suggestion that 
Martens possibly occupied a privileged position in the columns of 
the New York Call such as he testified attended him when he sought 
to obtain Russian citizenship. 

Referring to the secret activities of Martens it will be noted from 
the testimony (pp. 212, 220, and elsewhere) that he denied all knowl- 
edge or relationship with the Russian Socialist Federation, except in 
so far as the evidence presented by counsel for the committee com- 
pelled qualifications in reply to interrogations. For example, the 
telegram addressed to the convention of the Russian Socialist Feder- 
ation in Detroit (p. 284) is documentary refutation of the witness's 
statement that he never gave, directly or indirectly, moral support 
to an organization which advocated a soviet form of government in 
the United States. The record shows (p. 251) that in spite of re- 
peated denials on the part of the witness he was regarded by his most 



kussia:n peopaganda. 11 

important assistant, Mr. Nuorteva, and liis friend, Dr. Mislig, treas- 
urer of the Russian federation, as an actual member of the associa- 
tion. This association, be it noted, not only advocates a soviet form 
ot government but is organizing for the purpose of overthrowino- 
the present form of government under which we live by force and 
violence Martens denied explicitly (p. 281) that he had engaged in 
secret political activity, yet Avhen confronted with the minutes of the 
secret convention held by the Russian Socialist Federation in Detroit 
in August, 1919, he was compelled to admit making a speech before 
the delegates. On at least two other occasions also he had tried to 
reach a basis of cooperation in conference with the executive commit- 
tee of the association. In this connection attention should be directed 
to the unusual admission by the witness (p. 318) that not one of the 
10 or 12 men who attended the executive committee's meetings arose in 
the convention to substantiate his account of the proceedings before 
the committee, and nobody denied the statement of Gurin regarding 
the affair except himself. In other words. Martens by his own testi- 
mony admits that all the testimony as to these occurrences is directly 
against his sole contention. 

Reports of the public meetings he testified (p. 58) were sent by 
him to his Government ; and he testified further that he had knowl- 
edge of the " parties or organizations interested in this kind of prop- 
aganda," and that his reports to his Government dealt with " the 
sympathies expressed by the different political parties." He in- 
formed his Government as to the character of speeches made by him 
at these meetings, and as to the character of speeches made by' other 
speakers (p. 58), accompanying his report by newspaper clippings 
containing printed accounts of the meetings. Yet when questioned 
regarding some of the speeches which were made in his presence at 
these meetings and which are readily classified as inflammatory, 
revolutionary, and anarchistic, he declared that he paid no attention 
to them and did not know what they contained — though he was 
equally positive in his assertions that these speeches had been incor- 
rectly reported. 

In pursuing the inquir3^ directed hj the resolution of the Senate, 
into his activities in this country, the testimony developed that, with- 
out waiting for recognition on the part of the Government to which 
he assumed to be accredited. Martens established himself and his 
bureau in offices in the city of New York (p. 40) ; and that he made 
a demand upon Boris Bakhmeteff, Russian ambassador in this coun- 
try, for the delivery to him of all propert5^ moneys, credits, furni- 
ture, archives, papers, etc., in his possession (p. 32). This demand 
Avas not compiled Avith ; and Martens proceeded to the organization 
of his general offices, Avhere he employed a staff of some 35 people, 
among whom were 13 American citizens — two of whom, Kenneth 
Durrant and Wilfred R. Humphreys, had been connected with the 
so-called Creel bureau, officially known as the Committee on Public 
Information of the American Government (pp. 41-43). Martens's 
bureau was maintained at an expense of about $2,500 a week (p. 45), 
Avhich Avas met by funds transmitted " mainly by couriers from Rus- 
sia " (p. 44) for Avhom no diplomatic immunity Avas asked, whose 
names Avere refused by Martens when they Avere demanded by the 
committee, and avIio traveled clandestinely so far as any cAddence 
permits a deduction. 



12 RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA. 

The carefully planned inociioiisness of Martens's public activities 
here do not extend, however, to some of the more intimate and nec- 
essary procedure growing out of his position. It is evident that he 
regarded customary and legitimate means of communication as un- 
suited to his purposes. So far as can be learned, it is only within 
the past few weeks that he made use of the cable to communicate 
Avith his Government or its representatives on neutral European soil ; 
and the ordinary course of the mail was apparentlv never utilized 
by him. 

In connection with his bureau Martens published a weeklv news- 
paper known as Soviet Russia, wliich has a circulation o'f from 
15,000 to 30.000, about one-half of this number going to subscribers, 
some 2,000 being " sent without charge to public men in the country," 
and the balance distributed by news agencies (p. 57). He also con- 
templated opening a technicarschool for Russians purposing to return 
to their country (p. 57), but this plan Avas ueA^er consummated. He 
proposed " to call a technical conference of those who desired to help 
Soviet Russia " and for this purpose registered over 20,000 people. 
This registration took place not only at the office of the soviet bureau 
in West Fortieth Street, in New York City, but also at the Rand 
School, where some form of branch office Avas maintained (p. 345). 
A questionnaire Avas furnished to each registrant, and in its original 
form a registrant Avas asked if he preferred " to remain in America 
to Avork Avith the Soviet Government" (p. 347). Martens adduced 
no adequate explanation of Avliat this " Avork Avith the Soviet Govern- 
ment " in this country avouIcI comprise. 

Martens himself appeared to have had very little to do Avith the 
practical management of his bureau. He seems to have been some- 
thing on the order of a shoAv figure, and he frequently responded in 
tactful terms of gratitude to letters and resolutions of greeting Avhich 
were sent to him by numerous organizations of a socialist nature, both 
American and Russian in their membership. One of these letters of 
greeting presented in eAddence (p. 279) came from the Socialist Party 
of the eighth assembly district of NeAv York, in which the members 
of this organization pledged themselA-es " to work unceasingly for 
the propagation of those principles and policies and tactics that will 
aid directly in the establishment of a socialistic federated soviet repub- 
lic in America." Against such sentiments Martens testified (p. 280) 
he did not pi'otest, saying that he regarded this as none of his concern, 
and adding that he did not regard it as a crime " to propagate the 
soAdet idea in the United States " (p. 281). 

Prominent among Martens's activities Avas his attendance upon 
public meetings generally held under the auspices of some of the 
numerous branches of the Socialist Party. One such (p. 215) was 
addressed by Gregory AVeinstein, Avho Avas reported in the news- 
papers to have said " Ave have come here to tell Comrade Martens 
that Ave intend to prepare to take OA^er this great country just as the 
working class has taken over Russia." Another held April 1, 1919. 
presided OA^er by Nicholas Hourwich, a near relative of whom later 
became the head of a department in the Martens Soviet Bureau, and 
who was quoted in the New York Call as having said in his opening 
address that " the left wing proposed to bring bolshevism to Amer- 
ica " (p. 218). Martens declared that he did not remember having 
heard either of these declarations, that he made no protest about it 



RUSSIAN PEOPAGAjSTDA. . 13 

at any rate, that he is a Bolshevist, that he " would be very glad to see 
America bolshevistic '' and that " any means Avhich would produce 
this condition would be justified" (p. 218). At this same meeting 
one Louis Baske, editor of a Hungarian newspaper published in New 
York, also spoke and declared "there is only one way to help the 
Hungarian and Russian Soviet Governments. That is to revolu- 
tionize America " (p. 219). Martens testified that he did not remem- 
ber hearing this statement and that he would not have felt himself 
called upon to disavow it if he had heard it (p. 219). Numerous 
other meetings of like nature were held, and the list of the speakers 
who participated in them bristles with the names of men who were 
under either indictment or sentence for violation of the laws of the 
United States or who have since enjoyed such notoriety or who have 
become fugitives from justice. Two of these gentry, it is probably 
worth noting, were harbored by Martens following their trial and 
sentence for sedition in New Jersey, and were given a place upon the 
pay roll of his bureau (p. 245). 

The Weinstein meeting above referred to was a subject of contro- 
versy in the testimony which the committee brought out. Martens 
himself asserted (p. 269) that A¥einstein — and also Hourwich — -were 
" reported wrongly," although, as above cited, he had at first denied 
having any recollection of what they said. A reporter for the New 
York Sun, who was present at the Weinstein meeting, testified (p. 
394) that he saw both Weinstein and Martens sitting close together 
on the stage at this meeting, and that he heard Weinstein make- the 
declaration of their intention to take over America as the working- 
class has taken over Eussia ; that Martens made no reference or pro- 
test to these statements though he spoke after Weinstein had uttered 
them; and it was testified further (p. 395) that the audience "ap- 
plauded wildly, stamped, and cheered * * * Avhenever the Soviet 
Government of Eussia was mentioned " and that " they always hissed 
when reference was made to the United States Government." It is 
proper to state, however, that Martens, though he had previously 
testified that he remembered nothing about Weinstein's speech, later 
asserted that Weinstein had spoken at this meeting in the Eussian 
language. 

Martens testified (p. 269) that he paid no attention to the pub- 
lication in the press of inflammatory speeches " published wrongly," 
as he declared, in reports of meetings which he attended, explain- 
ing that " it was absolutely physically impossible " for him to do so. 
But he appears (p. 269) — possibly because he was then in hiding 
from the process of the Lusk committee — to have had leisure to 
observe reports which were published to the effect that he had " bit- 
terlj insulted " Emma Goldman when she was undergoing trial and 
sentence for deportation; and, on December 15, 1919 (p. 271), wrote 
to Emma Goldman, then at Ellis Island under sentence of deporta- 
tion, saying that he had not the pleasure of her acquaintance, but 
that he sympathized with her for the " insults " to which she had 
been subjected in this country and, on behalf of Soviet Eussia, 
offered her asylum as a political refugee. 

The impropriety of Martens's persistent public appearance at 
meetings held under the auspices of organized partisan groups, and 
where his speaking companions were so frequently selected from 



14 • EUSSIAN PKOPAGANDA. 

men under surveillance, indictment, or sentence for their seditions 
and anarchistic activities, is plainly manifest. Had he been regu- 
larly accredited in the ambassadorial quality which he affects, such 
conduct would have secured for him the speedy severance of his 
personal relations with this Government, the immediate teiiciei of 
his passports, and his prompt departure from the country. That he 
has greatly impaired, if not wholly destroyed, his diplomatic use- 
fulness by such a course seems wholly clear; and even if the recog- 
nition which he has sought to bring about for his Government 
could now be obtained, it is wholly improbable that Martens would 
be held by the executive department to be a suitable representative. 
The resolution of the Senate further directed the committee to 
investigate " all facts relative to the activities of any party, par- 
ties, or organizations bearing upon or relating to Russian propa- 
ganda in this country." 

The natural source of inquiry under this head is the diplomatic 
establishment maintained here imder the title of the Russian em- 
bassy, whose head is Boris Bakhmeteff, and who has been recog- 
nized under such quality since his accrediting to this Government, 
and who, by a certificate of the State Department, still enjoys the 
privileges and immunities which accompany such recognition. 

In consequence, both he and his staff were not subject to the proc- 
ess of the committee : and recourse was had to the Department of 
State, which furnished full documentary evidence dealing with the 
disposition of moneys which had been advanced to earlier Russian 
Governments from the Treasury of the United States, and Avith 
which purchases of war and industrial materials had been made in 
this country. In this connection Martens, in his testimony, had 
given the committee to understand that a misappropriation of 
American money had taken place. His testimony on this point, 
however, was of a most cursory and hearsay nature: and the docu- 
ments furnished by the State Department and contained in the rec- 
ord provide a complete accounting for all these moneys and mate- 
rials purchased therewith. From these documents it appears, also, 
that the maintenance of the recognized Russian Embassy in this 
country and the carrying on of its related activities are provided 
for by funds accruing from a loan privateh^ negotiated in this 
country and in England. 

Other organizations more or less sentimental in character were 
also found to exist in this countrj^ for the carr^dng on of activities 
in opposition to the soviet regime in Russia; but in most cases they 
were discovered to have only nominal or " paper " existence, and the 
committee deemed it unprofitable to pursue this line of inquiry. 

In sum the committee finds in obedience to the instructions of the 
resolution of the Senate that— 

(1) Martens has no status Avhatever in this countrj^ in any diplo- 
matic or other governmental representative quality. 

(2) Martens assumes- to represent the Russian Federated Soviet 
Republic — a regime established in Russia by revolution and function- 
ing under a constitution which has been above summarized ; a regime 
which has never been recognized by the Government of the United 
States and which in international law has no standing as a con- 
stituted authority. 



RUSSIAN" PEOPAGANDA. 15 

(3) Martens lias received no recognition officially or even per- 
sonally by the Go^'ernment of the United States. 

(4) Martens, by the accepted practice of this Government in all 
its treaty or other international obligations and usages, is a Ger- 
man subject, and in consequence an alien enemy. 

(5) Martens's propaganda in this country for the overthrow of 
governments is established by his own testimony, as shown in the 
body of the report, that he has publicly associated and sjmipathized 
with those advocating such a course. He admitted to the committee 
his persistent revolutionary- character, his desire to see the establish- 
ment of the " dictatorship of the proletariat " in all lands, and 
his opinion that it would be better for this country if the soviet 
government were established here. It was also proved that he con- 
tinued to employ in the staff of his embassj^ persons who have pub- 
licly and in his presence advocated the bringing of bolshevism to 
America and he admitted to the committee that '' any means which 
would produce this condition would be justified." 

All this leads the committee to the conclusion that Martens's 
activities here have been of a nature to render him more suitable for 
investigation and action by the Department of Justice than by the 
committee of the Senate. 

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